By Andrew Dawson, Jenny Hockey, Allison James
This assortment addresses the subject of illustration in anthropology. Its fourteen articles discover a few of the instructions during which modern anthropology is relocating, following the questions raised via the ''writing culture'' debates of the Nineteen Eighties. It comprises dialogue of matters reminiscent of: * the idea that of caste in Indian society * scottish ethnography * how desires are culturally conceptualised * representations of the relations * tradition as conservation * gardens, topic parks and the anthropologist in Japan * illustration in rural Japan * people's position within the panorama of Northern Australia * representing identification of the recent Zealand Maori.
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Extra resources for After Writing Culture: Epistemology and Praxis in Contemporary Anthropology
They were held in a ring, in which conflicts were minimized under colonial rule. If the anthropologist entered, the place was stable. (Ardener 1989:203) The postcolonial period has shaken the confidence of modernist ideologues, including anthropologists, in so far as Western powers have been forced to loose their grip on the peoples of non-Western cultures they had previously held in thrall and Western intellectuals have consequently been forced to recognise that those others are also able to initiate moves in the arena of history.
After such a long period of shared substances and emotions, I constantly carry my Kewa friends around with me, back to the field, to conferences, to classes. I reread my fieldnotes, their letters, I make constant connections when I read other writing, not only anthropological, which recalls a Kewa friend or event. In my own social relations and daily actions I constantly find parallells with Kewa situations. I become aware, in the middle of an event unfolding in my own professional life, that a critical analysis of a Kewa woman who apparently failed to attach her husband to her—therefore not strategising sufficiently cleverly with cultural norms—may apply to my situation, which nevertheless I view differently.
Tsing starts from the premise that parts of theories are ethically or politically wrong and therefore epistemologically unsound. Her point of departure is a global perspective, since prior considerations have convinced her that the local situation is inseparable from the global one. Thus there is a sense in which the explanations Tsing provides are not ethnographic explanations, or interpretations of the ethnography. Seremetakis proceeds differently. She challenges theories by the more conventional method of attacking them with ethnographic observations.