By A. Trevor Thrall, Jane K. Cramer
This edited quantity addresses the problem of possibility inflation in American international coverage and family politics. The Bush administration's competitive crusade to construct public help for an invasion of Iraq reheated fears in regards to the president's skill to control the general public, and lots of charged the management with 'threat inflation', duping the scoop media and deceptive the general public into assisting the battle below fake pretences.
Presenting the most recent learn, those essays search to respond to the query of why danger inflation happens and while it will likely be profitable. easily outlined, it's the attempt by way of elites to create drawback for a chance that is going past the scope and urgency that disinterested research might justify. extra generally, the method issues how elites view threats, the political makes use of of chance inflation, the politics of danger framing between competing elites, and the way the general public translates and perceives threats through the inside track media.
The struggle with Iraq will get particular cognizance during this quantity, in addition to the 'War on Terror'. even though many think that the Bush management effectively inflated the Iraq probability, there isn't a neat consensus approximately why this was once profitable. via either theoretical contributions and case reviews, this publication showcases the 4 significant causes of danger inflation -- realism, family politics, psychology, and constructivism -- and makes them confront each other at once. the result's a richer appreciation of this significant dynamic in US politics and overseas coverage, current and future.
This e-book can be of a lot pursuits to scholars people international and nationwide safety coverage, overseas protection, strategic experiences and IR normally.
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Additional resources for American Foreign Policy and The Politics of Fear: Threat Inflation since 9/11
Although this assumes a degree of consistency that, as I have noted, may be problematic, it is noteworthy that Bush and his colleagues consistently held a healthy – or unhealthy – respect for the utility of American force in world politics. Although this still leaves us with the question of the sources of these beliefs (and there is no logical stopping place once we start down that road, important as it is to explore – see Roberts 1996), this at least tells us that the claim that force would work was not developed in order to justify the war.
If reality testing were shaping the beliefs, then one should have found quite a few people who believed that while the war was necessary, it would be very costly, or who thought that while threat was present, opportunity was not (or vice versa), or that the war would be cheap, but was not necessary. But these positions are uncomfortable, and so it is not surprising that we do not find people taking them. For political leaders as well as the mother quoted earlier, if they took it any other way, they’d be in a funny farm.
Cramer, J. K. (2007) “Militarized patriotism: why the marketplace of ideas failed before the Iraq war,” Security Studies, 16: 489–524. Cramer, J. K. and Thrall, A. T. ” Paper presented at the 2005 meeting of the International Studies Association, Chicago, IL. Entman, R. M. S. Foreign Policy, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Eysenck, M. W. (1992) Anxiety: The Cognitive Perspective, London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Ltd. Freedman, L. (2004) “War in Iraq: selling the threat,” Survival, 46: 7–50.