By Lee Jones (auth.)
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Extra resources for ASEAN, Sovereignty and Intervention in Southeast Asia
Rather, they constitute what John Agnew (2009, p. 129) calls ‘sovereignty regimes’, a ‘dominant calculus of rule relative to a given state or set of states’. The second, related problem with Krasner’s approach relates to his explanatory framework. It is clearly very difﬁcult to explain macrohistorical patterns of sovereignty and intervention through a succession of cost-beneﬁt analyses made by individual rulers. For example, European Union (EU) states do not correspond to the Westphalian ideal-type, but nor is their de facto sovereignty constantly being ﬂexed or relaxed in a sporadic fashion corresponding to short-term cost-beneﬁt calculations.
220). Arguably, no state has ever possessed them all simultaneously. Setting the bar so high creates an unrealistic impression of a complete free-for-all, in which rulers are constantly violating sovereignty on the basis of short-term, cost-beneﬁt analyses. In reality, we can identify relatively stable, historical patterns of sovereignty and intervention. They do not correspond to Krasner’s idealtype, but they do involve states exercising predictable degrees of de facto autonomy within a clearly identiﬁable range.
Non-interference’ was strategically used to limit the scope of this contestation to a level where it could be managed and overcome by the forces dominating ASEAN states.