By Patricia White
This quantity introduces a brand new perception of political schooling and new roles for headteachers and oldsters within the construction of a extra democratic academic method. The publication proposes curtailing the facility of academics, together with headteachers, stripping mom and dad in their rights, and making political schooling the keystone of schooling. It considers what sort of academic innovations will be acceptable to aid movement a society like our personal in the direction of better democracy, within the mild of a co-ordinated set of proposals in regards to the democratic association of political decision-making, and the advance of democratic attitudes, particularly fraternity. All this is often underpinned by means of a thorough research of uncomplicated democratic rules and assumptions, and a basic critique of the power-sharing equipment of such modern democratic societies because the united kingdom and united states.
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Extra resources for Beyond Domination (International Library of the Philosophy of Education Volume 23): An Essay in the Political Philosophy of Education
1) Constructive brain-storming, however, as suggested in Chapter one, can be useful in ironing out some of these problems. To some extent this process, as we shall see, has begun already amongst theorists working in the participatory tradition of democracy. PARTICIPATORY MACHINERY FOR POWER-SHARING Before considering detailed pieces of machinery it is useful to get a general picture of the kind of institutions and practices which would best realize equality in the exercise, or control, of power in a whole society.
The idea is self-management: that individual institutions—industrial enterprises and other organizations—work out their form of management. Within broad guidelines from the community, an individual enterprise determines its own organization, from the way it organizes accountability internally to the frequency of its various meetings. There is nothing to suggest that this system would be bureaucratic. One suspects in fact that a number of pressures would operate to keep the administration as functional as possible.
The second case is more interesting because less straightforward. The national forum has to make a decision on a matter in which preferences in the society are divided between different policies, where none of those policies would involve a violation of constitutional rights. Perhaps, for instance, a majority want income differentials whereas a minority want flat equality with other kinds of incentives to lure people into unattractive jobs. In such a case the national forum has a duty to make sure that the implications of the two policies are clear to citizens, but, after people fully understand the likely effects of the two policies, in many cases it simply has to follow the preferences of the majority.