Brown-, Green- and Blue-Water Fleets: The Influence of by Michael Lindberg

By Michael Lindberg

Lindberg and Todd methodically exhibit how geography has formed the tactic, strategies, and instruments of naval conflict. Alfred T. Mahan was once might be the 1st naval expert to acknowledge and recognize absolutely the impact of geography on navies and naval conflict. lots of his rules of seapower have been inherently geographical and stimulated either what sort of naval strength a country might own and the way it might be applied. within the time that has handed seeing that Mahan made his observations, naval war and navies have skilled significant technological alterations, but geographical elements proceed to exert their effect on how navies struggle, how they're established, and the layout of the ships that they set up.

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However, he was much less dogmatic than Mahan, regarding theory of warfare, naval strategy not accepted, as a very imprecise science. Rather than offering tried-and-true prescriptions after the fashion of Mahan, he was more interested in studying historical cases for their insight into the ways that past masters of naval strategy had made the best use of circumstances. Where the underlying conditions persisted unchanged or changed in semblance rather than substance, situations emerged from which a consistent set of creditable options had been drawn, and these were pounced on by Corbett to constitute his generalizations about naval warfare.

Anything less than an imposing battlefleet was frankly an admission of inferiority, a signal to all and sundry that the country was perfectly willing to defer to the wishes of another at sea. In modern terms the situation could be likened to a zerosum game in which the winner—the country boasting the largest battlefleet—takes all for in war possession of the dominant fleet and its concentration in such a manner as to block the egress of a rival fleet into deep waters almost automatically granted one control of all the sea-lanes that mattered.

31 But in the light of sea power's successes, vividly exemplified through the blockade and the eradication of Germany's presence in the outer crescent, Mackinder was prepared to acknowledge its continued relevance. Moreover, it had undergone reinvigoration, the upshot of its chief proponent, Britain, having a new coequal, the United States. Mackinder had rationalized the emergence of American naval power as early as 1906, seeing it as an inevitable accompaniment of the industrial upheaval gripping the country.

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