By Douglas W. Richmond
Synthesizing an in depth and heterogeneous variety of assets, Douglas W. Richmond covers 3 tumultuous political upheavals of this era. First, Mexico’s fledgling republic tried to impose a liberal ideology at odds with conventional Maya tradition on Yucatán; then, the French-backed regime of Emperor Maximilian started to reform Yucatán; and, ultimately, the republican forces of Benito Juárez restored the liberal hegemony. Many concerns spurred resistance to those liberal governments. Instillation of loose alternate rules, the suppression of civil rights, and persecution of the Roman Catholic Church mobilized white competition to liberal governors. The Mayas fought the seizure in their communal homes. A long-standing wish for neighborhood autonomy united nearly all Yucatecans. Richmond advances the thought-provoking argument that Yucatán either fared larger lower than Maximilian’s moment Empire than below the liberal republic and could have thrived extra had the second one Empire now not collapsed.
the main violent and bloody manifestation of those huge conflicts used to be the Caste battle (Guerra de Castas), the longest sustained peasant insurrection in Latin American heritage. the place different students have endorsed the simplistic place that the struggle used to be a Maya rebellion designed to reestablish a legendary earlier civilization, Richmond’s refined recounting of political advancements from 1855 to 1876 restores nuance and complexity to this pivotal time in Yucatecan history.
Richmond’s Conflict and Carnage in Yucatán is a great addition to scholarship approximately Mexico and Yucatán in addition to approximately nation consolidation, empire, and regionalism.
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Extra resources for Conflict and Carnage in Yucatán: Liberals, the Second Empire, and Maya Revolutionaries, 1855-1876
This time Barrera played upon Yucatecan anxieties of an accelerated Caste War to justify using the military to attempt crushing the Campeche insurrection as quickly as possible. 65 Once Barrera lost the support of many landowners, he was doomed. Barrera had raised taxes to such a high level that Campeche ranchers and plantation owners began to abandon their sugar fields. Campeche also had a hard time exporting its rice, cotton, and sugar because of high duty charges in the United States, Cuba, and Britain.
But when Bustamante removed or neglected long-standing Yuca tecan privileges, introduced commodity taxes on Yucatecan exports to the Mexican Gulf Coast, and dispatched its militia to fight in Texas, Yucatecan leader Santiago Imán revolted in May 1839. The Texas campaign was quite unpopular since Yucatán ended up paying 17 percent of Mexico’s cost for the war. As many as 2,500 Yucatecan soldiers served in Texas, and some died at the Alamo battle. 9 The Yucatecan liberals reached across the Gulf to secure support from the new president of the Republic of Texas, Mirabeau B.
The ruling junta particularly wanted to get Santa Anna away from the discussions about the new 1824 constitution that they envisioned as the best way to consolidate nationhood. Because of his ambitious nature, Santa Anna could not leaveYucatán unless he had written permission. As a charismatic and clever figure, the new republic anticipated that Santa Anna would heal the sharp differences between Mérida and Campeche. A month before the national constituent congress met, the provisional government declared war on Spain, and Campeche, unlike Mérida, supported the national government’s decision.