Culture and National Security in the Americas by Brian Fonseca, Eduardo A. Gamarra (eds.)

By Brian Fonseca, Eduardo A. Gamarra (eds.)

With contributions from top specialists, Culture and nationwide safeguard within the Americas examines the main influential ancient, geographic, cultural, political, financial, and armed forces issues shaping nationwide protection guidelines in the course of the Americas. during this quantity, individuals discover the actors and associations liable for perpetuating protection cultures over the years and the alterations and continuities in modern nationwide safety policies.

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Piece=220 Desch, Michael 2007/8. S. Foreign Policy’, International Security 32 (3): 7–43 Dieterich, Sandra, Hummel, Hartwig and Marschall, Stefan 2009. ” Europäische Parlamente und der Irakkrieg 2003’, Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen 16 (1): 5–38 Doyle, Michael W. 1983a. ‘Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs’, Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (3): 205–35 1983b. ‘Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs: Part 2’, Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (4): 323–53 Duffield, Mark 2001.

People are killed in order to save people; the rule of law is disregarded in order to instal it; international security is undermined in order to strengthen it. The controversial public debates within democracies as well as disputes between democracies about the appropriateness and legitimacy of the use of force indicate that democratic publics are quite aware of these problems. The enhanced emphasis on liberal values in justifying the use of force by democracies after the end of the Cold War has intensified these political and moral dilemmas for belligerent democracies: [I]t is the efforts by democratic states to exercise and/or justify the use of force in terms of higher values – the pursuit of higher goods – than the pursuit of state interests alone that add layers of politically significant complexity and create tensions and dissonance between the proclaimed ends of foreign policy and the means through which these are pursued.

From a social-­constructivist view, it is not useful to speak of generalised ‘interests’ that compel states to pursue a certain policy option. Rather, one has to analyse in detail which kind of interests, preferences and values and which interpretations of pertinent domestic or international norms are articulated in a certain situation of political choice by a given state in its constitutive normative framework. The DP literature usually treats preferences as exogenous and assumes that citizens have peaceful preferences, while governments might have special interests in wars and need to be restrained by citizens’ control Albright and George W.

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